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The populist-nationalist error was seized for the first time from the United Kingdom in the vote of the 2016 referendum to leave the EU. However, Great Britain has seemed an atypical among his teammates by not having a right -wing party that was a credible electoral force. The anti-immigrant, the previous parts of the Arch-Brexiter Nigel Farage did well in the European Parliament tickets. But they never made great incursions into national electoral policy. The surprising advance of his latest project, reform UK, in England local elections It means that the United Kingdom’s policy now resembles those of its EU counterparts. Its centenary two parts is fray.
ReformSuper Thursday demonstrates that its combination of anti-immigrant positions of extreme right and anti -red with some soft-left positions in the industry is capable of transforming its recent opinion survey into real votes. In different places they gave both main parties A battle. Your partial choice victory in Runcorn and Helsby In the northwest, it had been a safe work seat. The Mayor’s Office of Great Lincolnshire, a conservative fortress, said and won control of more than half a dozen county councils, mainly of the conservatives.
The advances of third parties have failed before, especially the Social Democratic Party in the stage of Thatcher. The Liberal Democrats did it well enough in 2010 to join the conservatives in the first coalition government of Great Britain since 1945, but their voters punished him in the next elections.
But third -party discomforts often occurred at the expense of unpopular governments or oppositions, while the domain of oxen remained intact. The rise of the reform reflects more Time changes On the way to the United Kingdom politics. Underline the restless disenchantment With the status quo policy, driven by the feeling that living standards slide and “nothing works.”
The attachments based on classes are getting rid. The work is much less the party of the industrial working class, in which the conservatives and the reform have made incursions, but more and more urban professionals attract. The combined participation of work conservation votes has never been so thin.
The reform is the biggest beneficiary. But its expansion can reach the limits. Although he is maximizing his support among the most susceptible to his messages, the synonym association of its leader with Brexit places a large part of the voters in the “Never Farage” camp. Occupy the position will bring a scrutiny He and his parties have evaded for a long time. And the voters who yearn for the alternatives to the duopoly have other options. While the reform won in Midlands and the North, in the south and west the Democrats and the Liberal Verdes advanced. England today looks like a system of four or even five parts.
If this trend persists, the pressure could become irresistible to exchange the first past of Great Britain in the post electoral system for something more representative. More immediately, create predicaments for labor and conservative strategists equally. The conservative leader KEMI BADENOCH seems seriously little prepared for the work of doing her group out of the tail.
The falling of the Labor in popularity 10 months after their landslide of the general elections, also shows it, the position was little prepared and without convincing narration. He will face pressure to take a tougher line on immigration. But trying to be everything for all voters would be the message of a fool. Labor has correctly identified the growth revived as the sine qua non of your program. Only by making the economy move can generate income to finance NHS, schools and defense. Its best option is to adopt a approach similar to a laser in growth, and get rid of anything that subtracts value from that goal. That strategy has risks. But it may be the only way to restore his own fortune and the fortune of Great Britain, and defend the rivals that promote more radical, but illusory solutions.