The Rise of National Conservatism in Europe

An Introduction to National Conservatism

The author is a contributing editor at the FT and is writing a book on the rise of the new right in Europe

A recent conference in London on “national conservatism” was largely dismissed as a futile display of minority political tension. It was seen as a reactionary forum to push right-wing criticism of British government policy, particularly on immigration. An American import, best kept indoors.

But it is not. National conservatism, rooted in homeland, family, Christian observance and sovereignty, has been a part of British conservatism from its inception. Furthermore, it now emerges as the operating system of the EU’s New Right parties, or the far right. Despite Brexit, British national conservatism paradoxically helps form the basis of these European parties.

Examples of National Conservatism in Europe

In her speech to the conference, Interior Minister Suella Braverman stressed that “we need to reduce overall immigration numbers.” You referred to Italy, as well as Greece and Denmark, as countries “that see things the same way”.

Two parties that made it big in last September’s general elections – the Swedish Democrats and the Brothers of Italy, whose leader, Giorgia Meloni, is Italy’s first female prime minister – are strongly Anglo-conservative in their political orientation. Mattias Karlsson, architect of the Sweden Democrats’ election manifesto, told me he reveres the work of Sir Roger Scruton, the late conservative philosopher.

Meloni also sees an ideal in British conservatism. Her 2021 autobiography, I am Georgia (“I am Giorgia”), quotes Scruton as saying “the most important thing a human being can do is settle down, build a house and pass it on to their children”. Scruton cult spreads: Budapest has a small chain of three Scruton cafes.

The new right-wing groups are also on the move. Vox, Spain’s third largest party, significantly increased the number of its councilors in last month’s regional elections and could enter a coalition with the centre-right Popular Party if the latter wins national elections in July. An Ifop poll in April found Marine Le Pen was the most popular politician in France.

The Finnish National Coalition Party and the Finnish New Right Party announced a coalition government on Friday, despite the unease of many coalition members.

Alternative for Germany, now shunned by all of the country’s major parties as a nationwide coalition partner, is doing well enough in the polls to raise the question of whether the centre-right Christian Democratic opposition should cooperate with it to return to government.

New Right Thinking and Values

Main elements of New Right thinking include stiff barriers to illegal immigration, curtailing legal immigration and hostility to the EU, not to the point of going out like the Brits, but with a determination to halt further integration and reduce what which took place.

They include a firm belief in the family as the foundation of morality, communities and the nation; an effort to raise birth rates, which are now well below replacement level in Europe; and a view of “wokeism,” obliterating culture and retrospectively blaming imperialism as dangers to democratic values.

Many parties strongly support Christianity, even if they fear that it will disappear within a few decades. Meloni emphasizes her Catholicism and her attachment to the late doctrinally conservative pope Benedict XVI.

The Rebranding of New Right Parties

New Right parties are often framed as neo-fascist or post-fascist. Some like the Swedish Democrats and Brothers of Italy have roots in that world. Yet they are rebranding themselves as national conservatives, purged of far-right views, racism and anti-Semitism. They offer a cross-cutting appeal, with an emphasis on the working and lower-middle classes, their main constituents.

Voters of these classes, especially men, see themselves increasingly better represented by the New Right than by the Old Left.

The Future of National Conservatism in Europe

After Italy and Sweden, other parties of this type are likely to make electoral progress in Europe. For all of them, the challenge will be to demonstrate that they know how to govern competently and remain democratic despite the concern and alarm of their opponents.

The author is a contributing editor at the FT and is writing a book on the rise of the new right in Europe

A recent conference in London on “national conservatism” was largely dismissed as a futile display of minority political tension. It was seen as a reactionary forum to push right-wing criticism of British government policy, particularly on immigration. An American import, best kept indoors.

But it is not. National conservatism, rooted in homeland, family, Christian observance and sovereignty, has been a part of British conservatism from its inception. Furthermore, it now emerges as the operating system of the EU’s New Right parties, or the far right. Despite Brexit, British national conservatism paradoxically helps form the basis of these European parties.

In her speech to the conference, Interior Minister Suella Braverman stressed that “we need to reduce overall immigration numbers.” You referred to Italy, as well as Greece and Denmark, as countries “that see things the same way”.

Two parties that made it big in last September’s general elections – the Swedish Democrats and the Brothers of Italy, whose leader, Giorgia Meloni, is Italy’s first female prime minister – are strongly Anglo-conservative in their political orientation. Mattias Karlsson, architect of the Sweden Democrats’ election manifesto, told me he reveres the work of Sir Roger Scruton, the late conservative philosopher.

Meloni also sees an ideal in British conservatism. Her 2021 autobiography, I am Georgia (“I am Giorgia”), quotes Scruton as saying “the most important thing a human being can do is settle down, build a house and pass it on to their children”. Scruton cult spreads: Budapest has a small chain of three Scruton cafes.

The new right-wing groups are also on the move. Vox, Spain’s third largest party, significantly increased the number of its councilors in last month’s regional elections and could enter a coalition with the centre-right Popular Party if the latter wins national elections in July. An Ifop poll in April found Marine Le Pen was the most popular politician in France.

The Finnish National Coalition Party and the Finnish New Right Party announced a coalition government on Friday, despite the unease of many coalition members.

Alternative for Germany, now shunned by all of the country’s major parties as a nationwide coalition partner, is doing well enough in the polls to raise the question of whether the centre-right Christian Democratic opposition should cooperate with it to return to government.

Yet a report by the German Institute for Human Rights argues that the AfD fulfills all the conditions necessary for the authorities to consider banning it. It claims to pursue “racist and right-wing extremist goals”, pushes the boundaries of acceptable discourse to normalize racist and nationalist positions, and seeks to undermine constitutional guarantees of the inviolability of human dignity.

Main elements of New Right thinking include stiff barriers to illegal immigration, curtailing legal immigration and hostility to the EU, not to the point of going out like the Brits, but with a determination to halt further integration and reduce what which took place.

They include a firm belief in the family as the foundation of morality, communities and the nation; an effort to raise birth rates, which are now well below replacement level in Europe; and a view of “wokeism,” obliterating culture and retrospectively blaming imperialism as dangers to democratic values.

Many parties strongly support Christianity, even if they fear that it will disappear within a few decades. Meloni emphasizes her Catholicism and her attachment to the late doctrinally conservative pope Benedict XVI.

New Right parties are often framed as neo-fascist or post-fascist. Some like the Swedish Democrats and Brothers of Italy have roots in that world. Yet they are rebranding themselves as national conservatives, purged of far-right views, racism and anti-Semitism. They offer a cross-cutting appeal, with an emphasis on the working and lower-middle classes, their main constituents.

Voters of these classes, especially men, see themselves increasingly better represented by the New Right than by the Old Left.

After Italy and Sweden, other parties of this type are likely to make electoral progress in Europe. For all of them, the challenge will be to demonstrate that they know how to govern competently and remain democratic despite the concern and alarm of their opponents.